At the 2024 Local Democracy Academy (LDA), researchers, policymakers, and local leaders gathered to tackle some of the most pressing challenges facing democracy. Among the many important discussions, one theme stood out: the persistent gap between gender quotas and real political equality in local councils. Two standout presentations—one from Colombia by Clara Rocío Rodríguez Pico, and another from Albania by Marsela Dauti—explored how gender quotas are both a critical tool and a complex challenge in the fight for women’s political representation.
Their research, set against the backdrop of two very different countries, revealed striking similarities and raised important questions for the future of gender equality in local governance. As part of our Gender Equality Network’s mission to build more inclusive political systems, their findings give us valuable insights and a path forward.
More Seats, But Not Enough Women
Colombia has had a gender quota law in place since 2011, requiring political parties to include at least 30% women candidates on their lists. On paper, this was a major victory for women’s rights. But as Clara’s research shows, the reality is much more complicated. Despite this legal mandate, the percentage of women actually elected to municipal councils has consistently fallen below 20%. Even worse, 15% of Colombia’s municipal councils are still composed entirely of men.
Clara’s study, which looked at elections in 2015 and 2019 across 1,101 municipalities, revealed that gender quotas do not automatically translate into gender-balanced councils. The disparities are especially stark in smaller municipalities, where male-dominated councils are the norm. While Bogotá, the capital, and some of the smallest municipalities have seen greater representation of women, the majority of councils remain far below the threshold set by the quota law.
So, what’s going wrong? Clara’s research points to a critical gap between the “legal” and the “real” quota. Due to how votes and candidates are mathematically rounded in smaller municipalities, political parties often don’t have to fully comply with the quota, leading to fewer women being registered on party lists. This is a loophole that undermines the law’s intended effect.
The implications go beyond the numbers. In many councils, women still do not have the critical mass necessary to push for policies that reflect gender-specific concerns, such as social welfare, childcare, and education. As Clara points out, the lack of substantive representation raises the question: What happens in municipalities where no women are elected at all? What kind of gender policies—or lack thereof—exist in these places? Her findings highlight the urgent need for reforms that close the gap between what the law says and what happens in practice.
One Step Forward, Two Steps Back
Marsela Dauti’s research, on the other hand, comes from a country that raised the stakes even higher. In 2015, Albania increased its gender quota from 30% to 50%, a bold move that many hoped would significantly improve women’s representation in local councils. Initially, the results were promising. By 2016, women were starting to make their mark in local councils, particularly in discussions about transparency and social welfare.
Marsela’s study, conducted over three waves of data collection from 11 local councils, found that women’s engagement steadily increased in the early years. Women were more likely than men to advocate for government accountability and for the needs of disadvantaged groups. But by 2023, this upward trend had reversed. Women’s participation in council discussions had dropped, and the gender gap in political engagement had widened once again.
So, what caused this setback? Marsela’s interviews with local councilors revealed a toxic combination of political centralization and entrenched male dominance. As Albania’s political power became more concentrated in a single party, authoritarian leadership styles began to suppress women’s voices. Women councilors also faced frequent interruptions, verbal attacks, and dismissals of their policy proposals. What’s more, while men tended to view the quota as offering equal opportunities, women saw the barriers as deeply systemic, making it hard to translate the quota into actual influence.
This reversal in progress is a sobering reminder that quotas alone are not enough. Without addressing the broader political environment and the institutional culture of councils, women may gain seats but not the power to shape policy in meaningful ways.
Gender Quotas and Local Democracy
Both Clara and Marsela’s research point to a crucial realization: gender quotas, while necessary, are not a silver bullet. They open the door for women to participate in local politics, but without broader systemic reforms, their impact remains limited.
This brings us to the mission of our Gender Equality Network. How can we ensure that gender quotas lead not just to descriptive representation—getting women in the room—but to substantive representation, where women have real influence over the decisions that affect their communities? Indeed, one of ICLD’s main goals is to strengthen local democracy by increasing the number of women in decision-making positions, ensuring a clear alignment with our strategy and objectives as an organisation
There are several lessons from Clara and Marsela’s studies that can inform our strategy going forward:
- Stronger Enforcement of Quotas: Both Colombia and Albania show that quotas are only as effective as their enforcement. In Colombia, the gap between the legal and real quotas must be closed to ensure more women make it onto party lists. In Albania, it’s clear that quotas need to be reinforced by political structures that protect women’s rights and encourage their full participation in governance.
- Creating a Supportive Political Culture: Marsela’s research highlights the hostile environment that many women face, even after they’ve been elected. Our network should focus on fostering political cultures that support gender equality, including training for men on gender sensitivity and anti-harassment policies within councils.
- Empowering Women Once Elected: It’s not enough to get women elected—they need to be empowered to lead. This means providing mentorship, leadership training, and creating networks where women can share strategies and support one another.
- Focusing on Long-Term Engagement: As Marsela’s data shows, progress can be fragile. We must continue to monitor women’s participation over time and address the evolving barriers they face. Building a lasting change in local governance requires sustained effort and constant vigilance.
- Bridging the Representation Gap in Smaller Municipalities: Clara’s findings in Colombia underscore the need to focus on smaller, less urbanized municipalities where gender representation is often weakest. Our efforts must include targeted programs that address the unique challenges women face in these regions, from electoral system reforms to greater support for local female candidates.
Looking Ahead
The work of Clara and Marsela provides a clear roadmap for how we can advance gender equality in local governance. Quotas are just the beginning—they create opportunities for women, but the real challenge lies in breaking down the systemic barriers that prevent women from fully exercising their political power.
As we reflect on the findings from the Local Democracy Academy 2024, our Gender Equality Network is more determined than ever to push for policies that not only increase women’s political participation but also ensure that their voices are heard, respected, and acted upon. Local democracy has the potential to be a powerful engine for gender equality, but only if we continue to fight for inclusive, equitable spaces where women can thrive as leaders.
